By: Ahmed Morsy
Hopes were high that the second
session of the NGO trial, held on March 8, would yield a resolution to the
worst crisis in US-Egypt relations since the 1967 war. Robert Becker, the only
indicted American who did not choose to leave the country after the travel ban
was lifted, said he stayed to stand trial along
with the 14 accused Egyptians because he is convinced of his innocence and the
fairness of the Egyptian judiciary. But after today’s discouraging hearing, a solution seems to be
slipping even further out of reach. The presiding judge decided to postpone the case to April 10
and called on the General Prosecutor’s office to bring in all accused
foreigners who fled the country last week.
The strained relationship between
Egypt and the United States has been in the epicenter of local and
international news for the past 2 months. All around the world, concerned
observers have been riveted on the crackdown on Egyptian and foreign
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that started suddenly on December 29,
2011. Early on, there were clear signs that this politically motivated
investigation was not being conducted fairly or transparently. The investigators and the Egyptian government
officials held press conferences and spoke to the media about sensitive information that should have been kept
undisclosed due to the ongoing investigation. Egyptian officials, in particular
Minister of International Cooperation Fayza Aboul Naga, have repeatedly insisted on
upholding Egypt’s right to investigate irregularities and spurred a xenophobic media campaign against the United
States and the targeted NGOs. The “Egypt wont kneel” video of Prime Minister Kamal
al-Ganzouri speaking at the People’s Assembly brought back memories of similar video of former President Gamal Abdel
Nasser, in 1964, criticizing the U.S. and its aid policies.
Meanwhile, the United States has
been in crisis-management mode. In response to the escalating investigation,
the United States sent several delegations of senators and congressmen,
diplomats and military officials in an attempt to negotiate with the Egyptian
authorities, while threatening to withhold Egypt’s $1.3 billion military aid
budget.
Shortly after the Egyptian
government raided the offices of 17 NGOs in Cairo on December 29, I wrote an analysis questioning the
motivations behind the investigation and criticizing the mismanagement of the
process. It was apparent from the sudden escalation of the judicial inquiry
that this case was politically driven from the start, and was anything but an
independent or democratic process, as Egyptian officials tried to claim. And
the abrupt and dramatic lifting of the travel ban last week confirms beyond a
doubt that this case is a piece of political theater directed by Egypt’s
leaders, who are manipulating the judiciary to advance their own strategic
interests. On February 29, just three days after the first court session of the case, an Egyptian judge
decided to lift the travel barring foreign NGO employees from leaving the country with a bail of 2 million Egyptian pounds
(about $300,000). This mysterious decision, quickly attributed to a dodgy bilateral deal, and the departure of the foreigners the day after
prompted a divide within the executive and judicial branches in Egypt, each
blaming the other for betraying and selling out Egypt’s sovereignty and
national dignity. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) failed to issue
any explanatory statement, despite rising pressure from members of parliament
who are demanding an inquiry into the government’s handling of the case.
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Kamal
Ganzouri’s cabinet has also come under fire from Parliament, as prominent
members of the Brotherhood and other political forces accuse Ganzouri’s
ministers of caving to American pressure. On March 8, Ahmed Fathi, head of the
Brotherhood’s Shura Council, described the Cabinet as “weak and shaky” and warned that the People’s Assembly may
call for a vote of no confidence within days. International Cooperation
Minister Fayza Aboul Naga is struggling to defend the besieged cabinet – and
her own job – andclaimed that only the SCAF has the authority to
form a new government, according to the interim constitution. As the Parliament
escalates its fierce attack on the executive branch, it’s clear that the SCAF’s
biggest problem right now is not the United States, but its own legitimacy
crisis.
Looking beyond the tense
bilateral relationship, the NGO case is much bigger than a diplomatic hiccup in
the US-Egypt relationship; it reflects a lack of accountability on the part of
Egypt’s leaders and the chaos that has resulted from their mismanagement of the
transition and failure to put forward a vision for the future. Since the SCAF
took after Mubarak’s resignation last February, Egypt has been stumbling from
one hurdle to the next with no clear vision or strategy for correcting failed
policies. Starting with the dubious Constitutional Declarationdelegating all executive powers to the ruling generals, Egypt’s
political transition has been further complicated by a chaotic electoral law and process and the
deepening economic crisis.
The latest stumbling block, a
xenophobic and politically motivated row with the United States over NGO
funding, is another short-term distraction that prevents Egypt’s political
forces from working collaboratively to develop a long-term vision for the
country’s future. This self-destructive behavior was aptly described by Thomas
Friedman as “Egypt’s Step Backward.” Some would argue that this view is overly pessimistic, but I
believe it is a sorely needed reality check. You can’t fight an enemy you don’t
know, and therefore it is imperative that Egyptians recognize that the greatest
obstacles to a democratic transition are domestic not foreign.
Ahmed Morsy is an Egyptian Researcher and Ph.D. candidate at the School of International
Relations, University of St. Andrews. This piece was originally published on the Atlantic Council's Egypt Source Blog.
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